Mr Prime Minister - 18-May-99

Mr. Prime Minister

(Commentary by Nahum Barnea, "Yediot Ahronot", May 18, 1999, pp. A2, 29)

A first piece of advice for Ehud Barak: Do not let it go to your head. Your election victory is amazing by any standard. But more than it suggests that the people wanted you, it means that they were sick of Netanyahu -- sick of his character, his conduct as a person and sick of his identification with extremist groups. Last night, you were entitled to rejoice over Netanyahu's mistakes, but you must learn from them and be another kind of prime minister.

The majority you received is most convincing. Politically, it means that you have a broader mandate than that of either Rabin or Peres. You have what we call a "Jewish majority." However, make no mistake, your majority is thin and fragile. The voters were certain about their feelings for Netanyahu -- but, about you, there are mainly question marks. They knew that you led daring military operations and that you were chief-of- staff. And they knew that those under your command believe in you. But they knew little about your ability to deal with the less glamorous aspects of political life, the brutality of the media and the swings of public opinion.

Prime ministers are measured by their ability to devise policy and make decisions and, at the same time, by their ability to surround themselves with the best possible political forces. Naturally, there is an inherent contradiction -- those who favor change are faced with resistance; those who favor unity find change difficult. Only the immensely talented Netanyahu managed to become stuck in place while also fighting with everybody.

All prime ministers know how to take, but a successful prime minister also knows how to share. All prime ministers know how to lash out, but a successful prime minister also knows how to exercise restraint. The job offers tremendous power and a stage on which the attention of many is fixed. All prime ministers know how to exploit these realities, but not all prime ministers know how not to misuse them.

On the surface, you are faced with the possibility of many different coalition options. The great temptation is to create a homogeneous government which speaks with one voice, but the bitter experience of the Rabin-Peres and Netanyahu governments is that such governments lose the support of the public majority.

Netanyahu's resignation opens the door for the Likud to join your government. The combination of these two historic forces would improve your chances of selling difficult decisions involving agreements with Syria and with the Palestinians. It would also create a chance to block the attempts of radical, sectarian elements from taking control of Israeli politics. Not only is it in the interest of Likud voters to rescue their party, which Netanyahu tore to shreds, it is also in the nation's interest.

Meretz, Yisrael B'Aliyah, the Center Party and the NRP could also join such a government. Tommy Lapid will stay out, since this is the easiest way to show the ultra- Orthodox that you, Barak, are sincere about mending (not expanding) the rifts in Israeli society. Shas will also be out, since distancing them from power would be good for everybody. United Torah Judaism, as in the past, could be a partial partner.

You must breathe new life into the peace process, and fast. It will not be easy, and will require cruel decisions and complicated partners. The process will not dance forward, but, at least, it will be a process. Israel, which has turned its back on the West and the Arab world over the past three years, must be re-opened -- and the peace process will be part of this coming out.

You must breathe new life into the economy, again investing in infrastructure, education and employment. The three years of Rabin can serve as a model. If voters reach the conclusion that all the slogans were just a gimmick invented by American advisers, your government will not survive.

You must staff your office and your government with the best people. Personal loyalty is a consideration, but there are more important ones. Credibility, for instance. Experience. A serious demeanor. Open-mindedness. Netanyahu's biggest failure was in choosing his people.

Netanyahu's resignation speech last night was a great television performance. No two ways about it, this is his turf. With alacrity, and without waiting for the genuine results, he did his thing -- silencing his Likud friends, who had planned to demand a price for his three-year failure. He so hates to lose that, even this loss, he turned into a victory. Just a few hours earlier, in a desperate effort to influence the vote, Netanyahu flagrantly violated election laws, when he used pirate radio to incite his voters. The same Netanyahu.

Now, the ball goes back to the Likud Central Committee, where the contest will draw myriad contestants. Sharon, who was crowned last night on television, will be there. So will Ehud Olmert, Silvan Shalom and Meir Sheetrit. Netanyahu saved himself from a "night of the long knives," but he did not exempt himself from the brutality to come this morning.

Once, after Ben-Gurion was forced to concede power, there was a popular joke: Someone came to Ben-Gurion's door in Tel Aviv and asked to speak to the prime minister. "Ben-Gurion is no longer prime minister," answered his wife Paula. "Thank you," the man said, and he left. Fifteen minutes later, the man returned and again asked to speak with the prime minister, only to receive the same response. After another 15 minutes, the man returned a third time and asked if he could have a word with the prime minister. "I told you," Paula retorted, "Ben-Gurion is no longer prime minister. Do you understand?" "Perfectly," the man replied, "but I like to keep hearing it."